Teddy's Bigger Burgers, Aiea 98-150 Kaonohi St C-115 Aiea, Hi. 96701 Phone:(808)486-2167 Store Hours: 10am – 9pm Daily Ewa Beach 91-1085 Keaunui Dr. Ewa Beach, Hi. 96706 Phone:(808)685-8000 Store Hours: 10am – 9pm Daily Teddy's Rescue, Inc. -- 12409 CR 99 -- Findlay OH 45840. 419-429-8888 -- email@example.com. Hours: Tuesday thru Saturday from 1:00pm - 6:00pm. BIDEN BLOWS UP SPACE FORCE- FIRES HERO PILOT FOR TELLING THE TRUTH ABOUT ANTI-WHITE RACISM IN THE U.S. MILITARY – The Michael Savage Show – Tuesday December 21, 2021 Teddy's Restaurant & Deli was founded in 1980 by Chris and Ted Tzogas. This restaurant has been an Oshawa staple for over forty years, serving great meals to a fantastic community. Teddy's prides itself on cooking homemade dinners and many delectable desserts. 176k Followers, 1,203 Following, 1,218 Posts - See Instagram photos and videos from Teddys Red Tacos (@teddysredtacos) A teddy, also called a camiknicker, is a garment which covers the torso and crotch in the one garment. It is a similar style of garment to a one-piece swimsuit or bodysuit, but is typically looser and sheerer.The garment is put on by stepping into the leg holes and pulling the garment up to cover the torso. It may cover the whole of the torso or partially and may also cover the arms. Teddy Picker's Cafe & Eatery - Campbell, Canberra. Teddy's adventure. Teddy has an adventure one day. Why is he in the bin? Watch and find out! Preparation. Story developed by Cambridge English Online. Game. Documents. Print the story. Print an activity for the story. Print the answers. Discussion. Kumiko is happy to see her teddy. What's your favourite cuddly toy? Looking for old fashioned teddy bears for sale? Our teddy bear shop has Jumbo & baby safe Teddy bears available across Sydney, Australia! Order online today! What started as Teddy’s Taxi in Westport has grown into a premier limousine and private transportation company serving the tri-state area. About Teddy's » Teddy's features the freshest fleet and is well ahead of the tech curve, but is also steeped in delivering the gracious professionalism Connecticut is known for.
2022.01.20 08:57 BlueBrickGuy Something 'bout teddys luck
2022.01.20 08:57 DeepStockHunter As AMC sub and WSB sub banned me from today let me place it here
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2022.01.20 08:57 bloodyheart15 Travel Insurance for a overseas trip when I have the Chase Sapphire Referred Card benefits
Hi everyone, Later this year my girlfriend (20) and I (21) will be traveling to Peru and Mexico for about 3 weeks total. I used my Chase Sapphire card to buy both of our plane tickets, car rental and other activities. After reading through the terms and conditions it seems that Chase covers most things EXCEPT for medical treatment and a flight to return home.
Is there anything else that I'm missing that chase doesn't cover and you recommend I buy insurance coverage for?
What medical insurance coverage do you recommend I obtain?
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2022.01.20 08:57 Geschichtsklitterung Kunstmuseum Basel (Switzerland), Jul. 68 | Leica M3 + Summarit 50/1.5 | Ilford HPS / Unitol
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2022.01.20 08:57 SecretStarSystem my bf wants to take a trip and doesn't want me to go
for context: he says he wanted to take this trip even before we met but never had the opportunity. now he has and he is planning to take it and doesnt want me to go. said he wants to go alone to have 100% of the time to himself and do all the things he wants to.
how would you react? i dont like this idea at all, we never even travelled together...
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2022.01.20 08:57 redditor150090 TIL Russia had a fight with British fishermen in the Dogger Bank in the North Sea.
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2022.01.20 08:57 CharizardMTG Can someone compare something like athletic greens to a shake with spinach and fruit?
So every morning I make a shake with breakfast consisting of frozen spinach and frozen berries. I’m curious which would have more benefits as I don’t eat much vegetables and fruit besides a banana for the rest of the day. Would I be better off pouring in athletic greens or similar green powder? Or is it better to go with the real food?
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2022.01.20 08:57 BrumbassenOG Alexandras beskrivelse af sit foredrag og anmeldelser af det: http://alexandrastaffensen.dk/foredrag/tidl.-foredrag-1.html "You chewed me up and spit me out. På den gode måde. Fuck Dalai Lama. Du er IT!"
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2022.01.20 08:57 KingJamesAFC Add me for daily gifts
2022.01.20 08:57 Silverbullet1105 Truth is truth
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2022.01.20 08:57 MMSTINGRAY Tony Cliff and Donny Gluckstein on New Labour and the 'Labour left's manic depression' (1996)
The Labour left’s manic depression
These changes in the composition of the party has affected the Labour left. In 1981 Tony Benn received 81.1 percent of the constituency vote in the campaign for party leader, in 1988 it was 18.8 percent.  In 1989 Ken Livingstone lost his seat on the NEC, and in 1993 Benn was ousted after three and a half decades on that body. Until then ‘constituency parties’ representatives on the NEC, first elected by constituency delegates in 1937, [were] consistently and overwhelmingly on the party’s left’.  By the 1990s the left were a minority, though the right has not succeeded in wiping it out, with Dennis Skinner and Dianne Abbott retaining seats in 1995 while ‘moderniser’ Jack Straw lost his. Labour’s left has proved relatively powerless against the leadership’s right wing authoritarianism.
A sign of the reformist left’s disintegration was the closure of much of its press: News on Sunday (June 1987); New Socialist and Labour Weekly (Oct 1987); Marxism Today (December 1991); the Socialist (June 1992); Spare Rib (February 1993). This leaves the newly launched Red Pepper and Tribune, its circulation down to 5,000 from a high of 40,000. The fate of the Tribune Group exemplifies the trend:
Its once passionate and well attended weekly meetings had dwindled to directionless once-a-month gatherings attended sometime by as few as four or five MPs... Only a few years before it had been touted as the new powerhouse of the PLP but it was now an irrelevance, without ideology or purpose, eviscerated by the disease of leadership loyalty. 
Sometimes the situation is acknowledged. Skinner says: ‘The elimination of alternative viewpoints within the Labour Party is now more thorough than it has ever been ... We have a small group of people at the top of the party controlling everything and putting a firm stop to any dissent.’  Benn thinks ‘Socialism has been explicitly repudiated ... People who have given their life to the party are wondering whether it actually is in terminal decline’. 
When Smith was elected in 1992, Livingstone wrote: ‘The triumph of the right is now complete. They control every lever of power in the party’,  while the election of Tony Blair topped even this as ‘the most extreme right wing leader’ the Party ever had.  Hain described power as ‘centralised to an unprecedented extent’.  Finally, in 1993 Clare Short predicted: ‘We have two years at most to flush out the modernisers ... If we do not achieve this, then the electorate will have a choice between the new Labour SDP and the Liberal Democrat’s, with little difference between the two. But time is running out and the prospects do not look good.’ 
Yet tied to reformism, for the Labour left hope springs eternal. In 1994 ‘the best Labour Conference for some years’ was held, according to Livingstone.  (This was the one preceding abolition of Clause 4.) Although the left are a beleaguered minority on the NEC ‘the votes for the left candidates increased’.  Hain says the challenge to Clause 4, ‘has clearly put the cat among the ideological pigeons and, not before time, injected new vigour into the debate about the nature of socialism ... This should be welcomed.’ The left should be ‘engaged constructively with Blair’.  Hain’s ‘engagement’ took the form of a book which starts with the libertarian tradition dating back through Kropotkin, the Russian anarchist, to the Diggers and Levellers, and ends saying ‘Governments have to save capitalism from itself.’  Thus, Labour ‘will need the backing of the unions, especially when carrying through economic policies which require a switch from consumption to investment and from real wage increases to job creation’.  Short, her two year deadline of flushing out modernisers due, writes; ‘Tony Blair has a remarkable ability ... Anyone who indulges in split and public rows ... should never be forgiven ... We now have a duty that all of us must rise to. Blair cannot do it without us and we cannot do it without him.’ 
The evolution of Labour policies
We have already shown that Thatcher failed to win the ideological argument by 1987.  Since then, far from the trend of public opinion following the Labour leadership to the right, it has been clearly in the opposite direction, as the following survey shows:
[see link, table won't format]
The 1992 election study concludes: ‘There has been a considerable amount of evidence in recent years suggesting that, rather than being converted to the tenets of Thatcherism, many of the electorate have actually been moving to the left.’ The issues included unemployment, nuclear weapons and privatisation where ‘there were modest but statistically significant moves to the left.’ 
Labour’s policies have gone from being based on genuine reformist principles (such as unilateralism, universal welfare), through Kinnock’s Policy Review to consciously occupying right wing Tory territory. Below are a few examples. As far as possible we let Labour speak for itself:
In 1988 we noted Kinnock making ‘a move to multi-lateral nuclear disarmament.’  Now Labour appears to have abandoned disarmament altogether. Financial prudence is demanded for social spending, but the £22 billion Trident project is not questioned:
We stand four-square by the notion that, whatever is required to defend Britain, Labour will provide ... Obviously it doesn’t make sense for us to give up a capability that we are unique in NATO in providing ... I would not scrap [Trident, though] it is difficult to argue out a particular role for [it]. We just need it there as a standing reminder. 
Blair complains the Tories spend too little on arms. ‘It would be an abdication of Labour’s duty if we did not point out that these cuts will weaken Britain’s operational capabilities.’ 
Along with this goes a disgusting nationalism. Straw is ‘reclaiming the flag’ from ‘the grotesque caricature of England that is the National Front.’ How? ‘English patriotism has for too long been corralled. We should stop apologising for being English. Feeling pride in one’s country should not make one into a jingo.’ The Union Jack flew over the first concentration camps, over the slave ships and the violent conquests of the largest Empire in world history. 
In 1991 Labour condemned Tory policies of selection, testing and school opt outs as fostering:
a privatised divided education system, in which a few get the cash, while for the rest it is second best. The Tories are creating a system so offensive to the values of justice and fairness that they have been condemned by the heads of both the Anglican and Catholic churches. 
Blair seeks to change these labour opinions. The ‘old’ (1991) Labour attitude to education, he said, ‘typifies the reasons why the left has been losing general elections for the last 16 years instead of winning them.’  In December 1994 Blair, who sets so much store by the local community, applied to send his son eight miles to London Oratory, a non-union opt out school, headed by a former advisor to the Tory Education Minister, which has been criticised by the Catholic education service for its over rigorous selection of pupils.  Blair was ‘aghast’ when he discovered Labour’s General Secretary relaxed about sending his children to a local school: ‘The Blairs were apparently asking [him] the sort of incredulous questions about life in an inner city “comp” that used to face nineteenth century explorers when they came back from overseas with tales of the strange things that the natives did in the jungle.’ 
To cover the Blair family’s tracks Labour’s Diversity and Excellence document invented ‘foundation schools’ (opt out schools by another name) operating with ‘a fair admissions policy’.  ‘On tests one MP declares: ‘It’s not good enough to bang on about socio-economic background ... By measuring outcomes we can define which schools are performing well and which are performing badly.’  With this in mind Blunkett encouraged the NUT to abandon opposition to tests and league tables because ‘a Labour government would keep the tests and continue to publish results’. 
Roy Hattersley, hardly a man of the Labour left, concludes:
The Labour Party will, in effect, repudiate the principle of comprehensive education [and] cannibalise one of the most discredited policies of the Government ... The grant maintained idea is one of the Government’s major policy failures. Despite escalating bribes, less than one school in 20 has chosen to leave the maintained system. Yet Labour has chosen to breath life into the corpse. 
Even in opposition these policy somersaults have a direct impact. When, in 1995, almost half the secondary school governors were considering whether to set illegal budgets Labour rushed to oppose this. By 1996 the Tories planned to expand selection by schools because Labour had taken over so many other Tory education policies like closing failing schools.  Two weeks later Harriet Harman sent her child to one of the most selective schools in the country.
Law and order
Since 1988 there have been numerous revelations about miscarriages of justice – the Guildford Four, Maguire family, Birmingham Six, Broadwater Farm Three, SAS executions in Gibraltar the murder of Joy Gardner and more. Police largely stood by as racist attacks doubled between 1989 and 1994. Labour should have lambasted the Tories, pointing out the social deterioration behind the crime figures.
Yet Blair made his reputation outflanking the Tories right. ‘The Tories have given up on crime’  he argued and went on ‘Labour is the Party of law and order in Britain today’. He added: ‘We need to be tough on crime and tough on the causes of crime.’  While the first phrase obviously is the Tory agenda, the second appears to criticise a society where, it has been clearly demonstrated, increases in unemployment lead to rising crime rates.
But Blair meant something else. He was stealing Major’s ‘back to basic’ campaign. Blair’s ‘causes of crime’ were ‘our disintegration as a community, with standards to sustain a community.  According to Blair this was not caused by mass unemployment or a slashed welfare state, but a failure to ‘demand responsibilities’.  His ‘cure’ – stop and search powers to the police, prosecuting parents for truanting children, custodial sentences for youngsters and condemning single parents because ‘it is best for kids to be brought up in a normal, stable family.’ When Major said, ’we should forgive a little less’ Blair told the police, We do not excuse and we do not ignore ... speak the language of punishment.’ 
What did the Tories make of this? Chris Patten, former Conservative Chairman, said: ‘I find myself in complete agreement with somebody like Tony Blair’.  Norman Tebbit added: ‘you have to approach from a direction which some might say is almost Labour Party direction.’ 
As with education, Labour’s right wing policy statements allowed the Tories to move much further than they had dared before. The Criminal Justice Bill was ‘designed to be so unpalatable to Labour that it would force Blair to oppose the Bill at the very time he was trying to convince people that Labour was now tougher on law and order than the Conservatives.  This Bill, said the Observer, ‘will cause more miscarriages of justice, the jailing of harmless demonstrators and, in tenser parts of the country, the transformation of the police into something like an occupying army.’  Save the Children Fund said that jailing young children contravened the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child. Michael Mansfield, QC, warned: ‘The police are to be given another weapon with which metaphorically to beat even more confessions out of people.’  Labour quibbled over parts of the Bill and then abstained.
Labour’s Frank Field called for identity cards and ‘a core SAS style anti-fraud officers’. 
The National Health Service
In 1991 Kinnock slammed Tory health policies:
Their hospital opt outs will create, and are intended to create, a health service consisting of trading units. Their GP contract system will create and is intended to create, a market place of haggling doctors ‘buying and selling patients’ ... This process is called privatisation. At the next election the British people will be deciding whether they keep the National Health Service ... Those who vote Labour will be voting to build up the NHS. 
In future there will be no such choice. The Tories have closed one third of beds since 1979 and one in eight hospitals , but in 1995 Blunkett said there were ‘too many beds’. Launching Renewing the NHS Blair added, ‘We are not reversing all the Conservative reforms’. Labour will merely ‘discourage the signing’ of long term contracts for private run hospitals. The ‘buying and selling’ purchaser-provider split at the core of marketisation is virtually retained and there is ‘no absolute commitment’ to abolish GP fundholding, merely a plan to phase it out.  Patricia Hewitt, Blair’s adviser, was a member of the Healthcare 2000 committee whose report favours ending the universal health service free at the point of delivery. 
Poverty and the Welfare State
In 1990 Michael Meacher criticised Thatcher’s claim that ‘all people on all incomes have increased their standard of living’: ‘Tell that to the 150,000 homeless people in London and the beggars.’  He continued that with the ‘scrounger myth [the Tories] hope to turn attention away from the fact that benefit levels themselves have hit an all time low.’  Between 1979 and 1992 the real income of the wealthiest 10 percent (including housing costs) rose 62 percent. The poorest 10 percent saw an 18 percent fall.  A 1995 report showed wealth inequality in Britain to be the second worst among the developed countries. Only New Zealand was worse.
Labour’s response? A Commission for Social Justice headed by Sir Gordon Borrie, QC, who said: ‘I have a substantial house in the country and a rented flat in the Temple. I belong to a couple of clubs where the subscriptions are quite high and have enjoyed a high public salary.’  He cited his qualification for the Commission as ‘being uncommitted to either side of the universality or means testing debate.’ Others on the Commission included two founders of the SDP and Liberal Democrat advisers.  The results of the Commission have been described in the following terms:
The extent of the common ground between the Tory left and ‘New Labour’ is remarkable. The Commission argues that people should be able to use the money spent on their benefits as a subsidy with which to attract potential employers; the government is already running a pilot scheme. The Commission urges that unemployment benefit, income support and family credit be reformed to encourage part time work and to encourage people off welfare into work; the Chancellor has already signalled that this will be a key theme in next month’s budget. And the Commission argues that the married couple’s tax allowance and mortgage interest tax relief should be phased out gradually; this is already happening. 
Labour has dropped its 1992 pledge to restore income support to 16–17-year-olds. With the Party adopting US workfare schemes these 250,000 young unemployed would no longer be entitled to full benefits but earn them.  This threat has been extended, with plans to cut 40 percent of benefit from other ‘work-shy’ young people. 
Major caused outrage saying beggars were ‘an eye-sore which must be swept from the streets’.  So Straw followed: ‘Aggressive begging, along with graffiti’ and, in some cities ‘squeegee merchants’ are responsible for ‘intimidation and bullying on the streets.’  This earned him the nickname ‘Jackboots Straw’ at the 1995 TUC where an FBU delegate declared ‘I’m not saying Straw is a fascist – yet – but he is heading down a road with very dangerous company.’ 
This is ‘one of the few distinctive policies’ Labour has, says the Financial Times.  The 1992 manifesto pledged a rate of half median male earnings, at that time £3.40. Today the figure is nearer £4.15. By 1995 Blair would not set a rate until ‘after the election’  to be calculated by a committee including businessmen, on the basis of ‘economic ... as well as social justice considerations.’  Bill Morris of the Transport and General Workers’ Union has likened the involvement of businessmen in setting the minimum wage to ‘putting Dracula in charge of the blood bank.’ Harriet Harman has subsequently promised the CBI that 18–24 year olds would get a lower rate minimum wage and ‘very young ; workers’ wouldn’t be covered at all. 
Although full employment was destroyed under Labour, it was axiomatic that this was its policy. Then Kinnock’s review document Opportunity Britain made it ‘an objective’. By 1993 Gordon Brown was going ‘beyond traditional notions of full employment. In the new world our aspiration must be full and fulfilling employment through work and training’. What the party has in mind is to ‘Replace redundancy with the prospect of new work through training.’  Blair puts ‘the notion of full employment within a bigger notion, that of a cohesive and united society.’ ‘Focus on the quality of the jobs created’, he pleads.  What a disgraceful end to a policy.
Reformism has always sought to redistribute crumbs from the capitalist table. In 1990 Labour had changed, but Smith, no left winger, still told Conference:
we do insist that the minority who received an enormous bounty from Mrs Thatcher should pay their fair share. [Applause] [And] because of the vital importance of our public services we cannot promise cuts in income tax ... or cut back on education and training, on research, [on] our health service. 
In 1993 the richest 10 percent of the population paid 34 percent of income in taxes, the bottom 10 percent paid 46 percent.  The share of national output taken by tax puts the UK low down at 17th out of 24 major economies according to the OECD.
Labour’s 1992 manifesto called for top rate tax at 59 percent. The following year this was dropped. ‘Labour is not against wealth, nor will we seek to penalise it,’ said Brown. As for public spending commitments – ’There are none’. Blair feels ‘there are top rate tax payers now who are hardly in the super rich bracket and I think we’ve got to be extremely sensitive to them.’  In his News of the World column Blair wrote: ‘if someone goes on to be wealthy, then good luck to them’. He went on to commiserate with ‘Middle England’ who ‘have suffered the real burden of tax increases.’  Labour outflanked Tory income tax cuts in the November 1995 budget. Unlike them Labour’s tax cuts ‘would apply to all taxpayers.’  A lower starting rate for income tax was Brown’s ‘main ingredient in efforts to cut welfare costs and persuade claimants to take low paid jobs.’ 
Labour’s economic strategy
Since Dennis Healey in the 1970s ended Keynesian policies and set the scene for Thatcherism, the overlap between Tory and Labour strategies has been extraordinary:
In the run up to the 1992 election, the Tories forecast a PSBR [Public Sector Borrowing Requirement] of £28,000 million. We said that, by an amazing coincidence, that was exactly the PSBR we would have as well ...  Well, said the Tories after the election, it might have to be a bit higher – perhaps £37,000 million. That’s exactly the figure we have arrived at too, we said ... Hang on a minute, said the Tories, it will have to rise to perhaps £50,000 million. Just what we thought, we said. 
Is this really the voice of an effective opposition?
Labour’s only disagreement with the Tories (or rather one wing of the Tories) was ‘Labour’s total endorsement of European monetary union, the exchange rate mechanism [ERM] and the concept of a single central bank.’ Alas, ‘they were being more Thatcherite than the Thatcherites.’ It was a ‘me too, only more so’ approach.  Labour got its fingers burnt when the pound crashed out of the ERM in September 1992.
Since then it has been so cautious that Ken Clarke, Tory Chancellor mused: ‘I must be the first Chancellor who has a shadow chancellor who is not criticising what I am doing. Gordon Brown’s problem is he thinks what I am doing is working. He has not, for some time, opposed anything I have done.’  What could Brown say? ‘If the Tories take on our agenda, it’s a recognition that the political argument is moving in our direction.’ And what is that direction? (Readers might like to swap the words ‘Conservative’ and ‘Labour’ in the next Brown quote. The result is a typical speech used by Tory politicians against Labour for the last 90 years.
Labour will be tougher on the causes of inflation than the Conservatives ... And it’s right that we should be tough. The war against inflation is a Labour war. It affects pensions and those with savings, it damages investment and therefore jobs. 
So Labour refuses to solve the poverty, homelessness and welfare cuts the Tories have created either through taxing the rich, or by borrowing.
Tory anti union laws
While Blair praises the insight of Thatcher’s ideology, as one writer puts it: ‘none of this ramshackle ragbag of half-cock theories and accidental wheezes, could possibly have “seen off socialism” on their own ... we may be getting closer to the true murder weapon when we turn to Lady Thatcher’s onslaught on the trade unions.’  The anti union laws have been flouted on many occasions, but they remain simultaneously a shackle and an alibi the inaction of union leaders. Even Blair once recognised that restriction of ‘secondary’ (i.e. solidarity) action was ‘a draconian limitation on effective industrial action.’  Prescott expressed the general viewpoint in 1989: ‘It all has to go.’ 
What is the situation today? The 1995 TUC Conference defeated a motion for repeal of ‘all anti trade union laws’. Blair told the TUC: ‘We are not going back to the old battles. I will say now that there’s going to be no repeal of all Tory union laws ... Ballots before strikes are here to stay. No mass or flying pickets. All those ghosts of times past, they are exorcised.’  When the Tories, following Blair’s ‘stakeholder’ speech, wondered if it meant more union power. Brown rushed to deny Labour would ‘extend union rights’ beyond the minimal ones in the European Social Chapter. A perplexed commentator concluded that ‘Labour would prefer to upset the unions rather than the CBI.’ 
Racism, immigration and asylum
The unpopularity of the Tory government means that whipping up racism to try and win votes is an option they seriously entertain. Yet Shadow Home Secretary Jack Straw asserts that ‘it should not be possible to insert a cigarette paper between the government and the Labour front benches over immigration’.  The Labour left’s response to rising racism, attacks and murders was to support an organisation called the Anti Racist Alliance (ARA). Much time was spent denouncing the other much larger anti racist organisation, the Anti Nazi League, as an SWP front. The election of a BNP councillor in Tower Hamlets in September 1993 raised the profile of racism and racists everywhere. The turning point in their fortunes of the Nazis came on 16 October 1993 when 60,000 demonstrators marched on the BNP’s headquarters in Welling, south east London. That day ARA also held a demonstration, many miles away in Trafalgar Square, attended by 2,000 people and Labour’s high dignitaries. Not long afterwards ARA imploded in disarray.
The Tory government has now turned its attacks on to refugees. As we write it is introducing a spiteful Bill which will undoubtedly prevent many escaping death from murderous regimes abroad. The furthest Labour has dared go is to suggest, respectfully, that a Committee be appointed to look into the question. When the Tories decided to deport a Saudi Arabian democrat who sought asylum, in order that the government could secure lucrative arms contracts with the Saudis. Jack Straw was asked if he would have done the same thing. He answered: ‘That’s not a decision which I can take’. On the moral question of deportation to win arms sales. Straw commented, ‘You’ve obviously got to take account of that consideration in the world in which we live.’ 
Tony Blair and Labour This book began with a quote from Lenin noting that workers support Labour but it is ‘led by reactionaries and the worst kind of reactionaries at that, who are quite in the spirit of the bourgeoisie.’  Blair is the purest expression of this. No other leader matches his career: son of a Tory councillor, educated at Edinburgh’s premier public school, then Oxford; first links with top Labour echelons made as legal adviser for witch hunting Militant; becomes ‘leadership material’ when he dumps the closed shop; becomes publicly known when calling for children to be jailed; first act as Labour leader – abolition of Clause 4.
Commentators of all types agree that there is something incongruous about Blair heading a movement composed largely of working class people. John Sopel writes: ‘As he stands before an audience of Labour activists and union fixers, the pre-eminent feeling is that he is not one of them.’  Lawson says: ‘I was always slightly surprised that he was in the Labour Party at all. He is quite definitely the least socialist leader the Labour Party has ever had.’  Ken Coates, Labour MEP feels Blair ‘does not begin to understand the mentality of the party which he has been elected to lead.’  According to Rentoul his modernising trend ‘did not arise from a social movement outside the party, or from the grass roots or the unions within it. It was synthesised by the Parliamentary leadership.’  So Blair doesn’t fit, yet he is perfectly appropriate in a ‘capitalist workers’ party’.
Blair has many admirers. Thatcher is one: ‘He is probably the most formidable leader ... since Hugh Gaitskell. I [do not] see a lot of socialism in Mr Blair’.  To the Daily Telegraph’s editor he is a ‘proper Tory Prime Minister in waiting.’  Alan Clark, far right ex-Minister, says ‘virtually single handed [Blair] has transformed the Labour Party into a credible political party.’  The Sunday Times’ Martin Jacques praises his ‘deep hostility towards labourism – towards the culture of class’.  The Economist appreciates this ‘presidential style candidate: nice man, nice wife, nice kids, good on telly’.  It added that ‘Scrapping Clause 4 is the start ... but what a good start.’  Murdoch ‘could even imagine supporting’ him and Roy Jenkins thinks he is ‘the best hope for social democracy’. 
Blair is a great admirer of US President Bill Clinton, whose disastrous administration has nourished the rabid right of Newt Gingrich’s Republicans. Clinton stood as a ‘New Democrat’, Blair as ‘New Labour’. Clinton appealed to ‘the forgotten middle class, who work hard and play by the rules’, Blair appeals to ‘middle income Britain, who work hard and do well.’  Clinton would ‘offer more opportunity to all and demand more responsibility for all.’  Blair: ‘We give opportunity, we demand responsibility.’  But if Blair was ‘Clinton with his flies done up’ , he has now learned from the American’s failures. An Independent editorial entitled Tony Blair’s Newt Labour concludes ‘he has anticipated many of the popular themes that have characterised the recent success of Newt Gingrich and the US Republicans, and is now seeking to capture them.’ 
Blair’s other idol is Thatcher who, his ‘Chief of Staff’ confirms, ‘is his model. And she once said that her single greatest success was the change she had brought about in the Labour Party. That’s also Tony Blair’s job – in reverse, of course.’  Blair says ‘The new right had struck a chord. There was a perception that there was too much collective power [union influence – TC/DG], too much state intervention and too many vested interests’ [unions, again!]  ‘I believe Mrs Thatcher’s emphasis on enterprise was right. She was thoroughly determined and that is admirable.’  He is nostalgic about ‘the Thatcher administration [which had] a very strong sense of what they wanted to do with the country and that’s what we’ve got to communicate.’ But isn’t Labour left wing and the Tories right wing? ‘The terms left and right have become, in many ways, meaningless within the Labour Party.’  New Labour’s objectives ‘should and will cross the old boundaries between left and right, progressive and conservative.’ 
Obviously Blair’s popularity is not confined to the right. After all the Labour Party elected him over Margaret Beckett and John Prescott in July 1994. But caution needs to be exercised here. Though Blair campaigned with the entire press behind him, his share of the vote – 57 percent – was not remarkable, especially compared with his predecessor’s 91 percent. The comparative distribution of Blair’s votes was notable – 61 percent of MPs, 58 percent from the constituencies, just 52 percent from the trade unionists. 
There have been periodic murmurings against Blair. For example, Richard Burden, MP, not noted as hard left, protested at Labour’s Littleborough by-election leaflet which said: ‘The choice is therefore between the Liberal Democrat and his views on drugs and hefty tax increases and Labour’s local candidate ... raised here in the Pennines and committed to Tony Blair’s New Labour.’ Burden condemned such ‘political amorality in which anything goes.’ Labour was ‘a ruthlessly effective electoral machine ... rather than a radical party with a definable ideological base ... with immense pressure on everyone to fall into line in the interests of unity and not jeopardising electoral chances.’  Blair had to fight hard to avoid commitment to a specific minimum wage rate. Jack Dromey, Blairite challenger to Bill Morris in the T&G leadership election was defeated and Blair had to tell the T&G conference that they would not have ‘an armlock on Labour or its policies.’ For his part, Morris warned that unions would not accept ‘a minority relationship’ with Labour. 
Nevertheless, it would be a mistake to under estimate the ‘Blair effect’. This was reflected in the row over Clause 4.
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2022.01.20 08:57 godver555 Arisen Gorgon by Livia Prima
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2022.01.20 08:57 morfeo2323 La nascita del termine top model grazie a Avedon
|submitted by morfeo2323 to vintageitalianfashion [link] [comments]|
2022.01.20 08:57 SnooMaps9383 Grandma huh???......me intrigued......
|submitted by SnooMaps9383 to Kerala [link] [comments]|
2022.01.20 08:57 Fatestringer Isekai Comedy Anime 'Uncle From Another World' Unveils Cast, Staff, 2022 Debut
|submitted by Fatestringer to IsekaiOjisan [link] [comments]|
2022.01.20 08:57 BagOwn7148 Bayern 2019/20 is the most underrated team in football history
When we talk about best teams in football history, 2009-2011 Barca, Arsenal Invincibles, Spain 20008-2012, Brazil 1970 or West Germany 1972-1974 are always mentioned. But Bayern 2020 isn't appreciated and talked much when they deserve to be:
- Scored 43 goals in UCL, won all the matches in UCL, destroyed some big teams like Tottenham 7-2, Chelsea 7-1 (agg.), Barca 8-2.
- Won the SEXTUPAL which is only Prime Barca achieved.
- Have the longest winning streak EVER as a top 5 league club with 23 matches.
- They had Lewandowski (most g/a in 2020, UCL/BuLi golden boot and came close to Ronaldo's record, also won FIFA The Best), Gnabry (scored in all the above matches, 9 goals in UCL), Neuer (found his prime form again and make incredible saves), Kimmich (the most versatile player and provided an assist in the final), Muller (most BuLi assist when not even played as a CM) and other players who had been on fire like Davies, Goretzka, Thiago.....
- Hansi Flick totally changed Bayern from shambles under Kovac to a Europe-dominating team so you cannot say that he isn't class.
This Bayern maybe not the best team in football history but they deserve to be praised and mentioned more as one of the best.
submitted by BagOwn7148 to football [link] [comments]
2022.01.20 08:57 Sp1keSp1egel Tesla Autopilot Crash Leads to Veh. Manslaughter Charges
|submitted by Sp1keSp1egel to RealTesla [link] [comments]|
2022.01.20 08:57 ArmApprehensive2632 Can't get serial monitor to work on the ESP32-CAM
So I purchased [this](https://www.amazon.nl/Karelu-ESP32-CAM-MB-Bluetooth-Ontwikkelingsbord-Interface/dp/B097R45VVQ/ref=sxts_rp_s1_0?crid=27KLIZSODV2S9&cv_ct_cx=esp32%20cam&ie=UTF8&keywords=esp32%20cam&language=en_GB&pd_rd_i=B097R45VVQ&pd_rd_r=eb1d2bb1-9e3f-4657-a7de-459a68f9d076&pd_rd_w=l5qky&pd_rd_wg=4EMaZ&pf_rd_p=b6d0be91-09b0-4a6b-9472-c11ec7a0fdf4&pf_rd_r=JSNP47YAQNZPAYV09MWC&psc=1&qid=1642678417&sprefix=esp32%20cam%2Caps%2C88&sr=1-1-1890b328-3a40-4864-baa0-a8eddba1bf6a) ESP32-CAM board on amazon. It has an interface with it so you should only have to plug in a micro USB.
I uploaded some example code on it and it worked. According to youtube videos it should have printed out its IP in the serial monitor but it didn't, so i went to my router page to see what IP it was. Everything else worked fine, I could get a video stream.
Others with this exact board do have serial monitor connection, and I just can't get it working.
Pictures and info:
I tried to build a very simple sketch that just tested the serial monitor. Nothing goes wrong when uploading.
This is the serial monitor when I uploaded the code. It's gibberish but it does seem to be something? The length of the gibberish changed when I changed the text to print. But it only prints once, while I have the print in the loop function.
Setup: https://imgur.com/a/Lp9NjAx (micro usb to laptop)
So I don't know what I'm doing wrong, and I can't find anything on the internet either. I want the serial monitor to work so I can debug a little bit and maybe write my own sketch for a timelapse. I am using the 9600 setting on the serial monitor and I use 9600 in the code. Does anyone have any idea?
submitted by ArmApprehensive2632 to esp32 [link] [comments]
2022.01.20 08:57 Sakurakonami1 Cat won't stop licking belly
I've tried it all, cat collars, feliway, chewable , putting on a cone for a month, spraying with water. I know for a fact she does it because she is anxious vet told me but only suggested the following above. Please help!
submitted by Sakurakonami1 to helpme [link] [comments]
2022.01.20 08:57 ZalejPampelisku Weird pain around my uterus
It just started few minutes ago and stopped now. But it was really weird pain. It only hurt really bad, if I was standing staright. I can't really describe the pain, but it was almost like when your muscles are tired from exercising. But I didn't exercise and now it just stopped, but I still do feel small pressure. Does anyone know what this could be ? I'm supposed to get my period in 12 days, so I don't think this could be just period cramps.
submitted by ZalejPampelisku to Periods [link] [comments]
2022.01.20 08:57 Kenyko DJ Encode- I see right through to you
|submitted by Kenyko to peutertrance [link] [comments]|
2022.01.20 08:57 rabengeieradlerstein What would you like to drink?
2022.01.20 08:57 Hajime_Hinata_OJ The thing I posted not to long ago but now it’s apparently allowed now. I only did this so some guy would leave me alone about this. Art by Khyleri not me
|submitted by Hajime_Hinata_OJ to Hololive [link] [comments]|